Missile defense comprises of an array of systems employed in detecting, tracking, intercepting, and destroying ballistic missiles. The beginnings of research in missile defense systems derived from the Allies’ need to defend themselves against German V-2 rockets during World War II. Codenamed Project Thumper, the project was unable to produce viable defenses against ballistic missiles, given the progress of technology at the time.
As the 1950s witnessed a new era in the discovery and development of ballistic missile technologies, the defense department fielded missile defense projects within both the Army and the Air Force to address this growing threat. Growing out of high-altitude antiaircraft research, the Army pursued Nike-Hercules and Nike-Zeus programs while the Air Force’s research was called Bomarc and Wizard.
Early versions of missile defense systems were meant to serve as early warning and tracking systems, used to detect massive launches of ICBMs and give those within the kill range time to head for shelter. Interception and destruction of missiles were developed later, as the United States fielded its first intercept of a missile (Minuteman) in 1959 and the Soviet Union announced its first nonnuclear intercept in 1961.
Under the threat of strategic power shift from Soviet missile defense development and subsequent successful Soviet tests, President Kennedy resumed atmospheric nuclear testing in 1962 along with mandates to resume research in ballistic missile defense and defense penetration. The 1960s saw a number of new technologies in missile defense as improved radar and missile systems became more sophisticated, leading to systems such as the high-acceleration Sprint missile.
In 1963 the United States and the Soviet Union signed the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (NTBT) prohibiting all above-ground testing of nuclear weapons. As a significant portion of US missile defense systems used nuclear detonation, the implications for BMD research was unclear. With the Vietnam War and other pressing priorities to attend to, the Army froze procurement and deployment of missile defense systems but continued its research and development.
During the 1960s, the Sentinel system, a ground-based, nuclear-armed interceptor missile platform, was developed by the Department of Defense. While many argued that, at the rate which Soviet Union was producing ICBMs, available platforms could not provide adequate or meaningful protection, research and development was grounded in the idea that there existed value in providing a “thin” defense of US cities against Chinese ICBMs.
Under the Nixon Administration, the strategic position of missile defense shifted to that of protecting of offensive deterrent stockpiles. Renaming systems to “Safeguard”, Nixon pushed for the deployment of missile defense systems around American offensive ICBM fields rather than cities. Such usage and deployment reflected American security policy embracing the “mutually assured destruction” paradigm, seeing missile defense as a guarantee for its ability to mount a retaliatory strike as opposed to being a shield against hostile missile action. While Congress eventually did approve Safeguard, many began to push for negotiating limits on Anti-ballistic missile systems.
Negotiations on the Anti-Ballistic Missile treaty started in November 1969. During this time, Safeguard played a crucial role as a bargaining chip in both the ABM treaty and the SALT I treaty. Signed in May 1972, the ABM treaty allowed Soviet Union and United States to deploy a missile defense system around the nation’s capital and one around strategic ICBM launchers. In 1974 this was revised to one site around either the capital or ICBM deployment area. The treaty banned the further development, testing, and deployment of mobile missile defense systems but did not set limits on defensive systems against short range missiles.
The missile defense’s role within our national security policy remained stagnant through the 1970s, even though its funding saw increases under the Carter administration. In 1983, President Regan unveiled a plan entitled the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) to drastically expand non-nuclear ballistic missile defense systems in the United States. Outlining a comprehensive defensive shield consisting of thousands of land-, sea-, air- and space-based sensors and interceptors, the proposal constituted a complete shift in missile defense paradigm, moving from ensuring retaliatory abilities to significant disruption of an attack, over the long term, replacing deterrence with defense. Phase I of the plan called for rigorous research and development with deployment of land-based and space-based sensors. Though the plan ran into significant financial difficulties, in 1985, a laser destroyed a Titan missile. Under the plan, direct hit missile interceptors were also developed.
The first Bush Administration inherited much different world than Reagan did. Recognizing the financial and technical challenges of Reagan’s proposal and reacting to the end of the cold war, it opted to seek a system that provided Global Protection Against Limited Strikes (GPALS). Under this new security paradigm, the administration argued that it was much more likely the United States or its allies would come under attack from small accidental or unauthorized missile attacks as opposed to a massive coordinated ICBM launch from Russia. Missile defense systems needed to be small, mobile, and easily deployed around the world to protect US forces and allies against nations with limited ballistic missile capabilities. The missile defense systems created under this framework were used in the first Gulf War, where its performance was inconsistent. In 1991, SDI’s name was changed to the Missile Defense Agency.
Recognizing that GPALS would violate certain areas of the ABM treaty, the Bush administration engaged the Russian government to renegotiate the ABM Treaty. However, President Clinton suspended the negotiations in 1993 pending a full review of DoD programs. President Clinton continued the trend under the Bush administration to push for technologies to guard against short-range missile threats while research on ICBM defense was limited to research stage only.
After India and Pakistan successfully fielded their first nuclear tests and North Korea attempted to test an ICBM, Secretary of Defense William Cohen called missile defense a strategic necessity. In 1999, Congress concurred and passed the National Missile Defense Act. An interceptor test successfully discerned from decoy and intercepted a Minuteman missile. While the Clinton Administration did adopt a long-term missile defense strategy, President Clinton never ended up authorizing the deployment of national missile defense systems, citing doubts over the NMD’s technological effectiveness.
The arrival of President George W. Bush marked another shift in missile defense strategy as United States formally pulled out of the 1972 ABM Treaty in June of 2002. Citing changes in the security landscape, the American security policy was more concerned with the proliferation of ballistic missiles and weapons of mass destruction to rogue states and terrorists than a massive missile launched by Soviet forces. Facing only muted criticism, President Bush pushed for the deployment of long-range missile defense systems by the fall of 2004. As a sign of the United States’ commitment to the security of Eastern Europe, President Bush agreed to build sites for 10 ground-based missile interceptors in Poland and a European midcourse radar in the Czech Republic.
The United States currently have missile defense systems deployed in Alaska, California, and Hawaii along with a number of mobile sea-based systems around the world.
1967: The United
States, the Soviet Union, and most of the other major powers sign the Outer
Space Treaty, which prevents any weapon of mass destruction into orbit.
Congress approves funding for the Safeguard missile defense system to be deployed.
first international Anti-Ballistic Missile treaty is approved by the United
States and the Soviet Union. It prohibits a national missile defense
and limits each country to two missile defense sites and 100 interceptors.
Anti-Ballistic Missile treaty is modified to allow only a single missile
Congress cancels funding for the Safeguard missile defense system.
President Reagan issues National Security Decision Directive 85 that states the United
States will pursue missile defense program.
President Reagan issues National Security Decision Directive 119 that
establishes the Strategic Defense Initiative.
President Bush changes the Strategic Defense Initiative to the Global
Protection Against Limited Strikes focusing on protecting against a more
The START I
treaty between the United States and Russia establishes a
decrease in strategic nuclear arms between the two countries.
Defense Act of 1991 gives a deadline of 1996 for an ABM Treaty compliant
national missile defense system to be deployed.
National Missile Defense Act of 1999. The National Missile Defense
Act gives the United States a clearly stated policy goal: to "deploy as
soon as is technologically possible an effective National Missile Defense
system capable of defending the territory of the United States against limited
ballistic missile attack (whether accidental, unauthorized, or deliberate)...."
United States withdraws from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (ABM). On
December 13, 2001, President George W. Bush announces that the United States
will withdraw from the ABM Treaty. The treaty was signed in 1972 by the United
States and the Soviet Union, both agreeing that the treaty should be of
"unlimited duration". The treaty, however, included a provision for
either party to withdraw if "extraordinary events" jeopardized their
"supreme interests" and required six months notice of an intent to
withdraw. President Bush concludes that the treaty prevents the U.S.
from fully protecting its citizens from future terrorist or rogue state missile
first Ground Based Interceptor (GBI) is deployed in a silo at Fort Greely
Alaska. By the end of 2004, eight GBIs had been deployed. In September 2004, the
Bush Administration declares that the Ground-based Midcourse Defense (GMD)
system is now capable of being turned on and used if necessary.
European Phased Adaptive Approach (EPAA). September 17, 2009; President Barack
Obama announces the U.S. decision to adopt a new approach to ballistic missile
defense in Europe called the European Phased Adaptive Approach. President Obama
it simply, our new missile defense architecture in Europe will provide
stronger, smarter, and swifter defenses of American forces and America's
Allies. It is more comprehensive than the previous program; it deploys
capabilities that are proven and cost-effective; and it sustains and builds
upon our commitment to protect the U.S. homeland against long-range ballistic
missile threats; and it ensures and enhances the protection of all our NATO
2011: The New
START Treaty. On February 5, 2011, The Treaty between the United States of
America and the Russian Federation on Measures for the Further Reduction and
Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms, also known as the New START Treaty, enters
into force. Under the Treaty, the United States and Russia must meet the
Treaty’s central limits on strategic arms by February 5, 2018. Each Party
has the flexibility to determine for itself the structure of its strategic
forces within the aggregate limits of the Treaty. These limits are based
on the rigorous analysis conducted by Department of Defense planners in support
of the 2010 Nuclear Posture Review.
Cancellation of Phase 4 of EPAA. On March 15, 2013, Secretary of Defense Chuck
Hagel announces that the planned deployment of the high-speed SM-3 Block IIB
interceptor to Poland and the corresponding fourth phase of the European Phased
Adaptive Approach has been canceled.